Ethnic Groups

Nepalese society was ethnically diverse and complex in the early 1990s, ranging in phenotype (physical characteristics) and culture from the Indian to the Tibetan. Except for the sizable population of those of Indian birth or ancestry concentrated in the Tarai bordering India, the varied ethnic groups had evolved into distinct patterns over time.
Political scientists Joshi and Rose broadly classify the Nepalese population into three major ethnic groups in terms of their origin: Indo-Nepalese, Tibeto-Nepalese, and indigenous Nepalese. In the case of the first two groups, the direction if their migration and Nepal's landscapes appeared to have led to their vertical distribution; most ethnic groups were found at particular altitudes. The first group, comprising those of Indo- Nepalese origin, inhabited the more fertile lower hills, river valleys, and Tarai plains. The second major group consisted of communities of Tibeto-Mongol origin occupying the higher hills from the west to the east. The third and much smaller group comprised a number of tribal communities, such as the Tharus and the Dhimals of the Tarai; they may be remnants of indigenous communities whose habitation predates the advent of Indo-Nepalese and Tibeto-Mongol elements.
Even though Indo-Nepalese migrants were latecomers to Nepal relative to the migrants from the north, they have come to dominate the country not only numerically, but also socially, politically, and economically. They managed to achieve early dominance over the native and northern migrant populations, largely because of the superior formal educational and technological systems they brought with them. Consequently, their overall domination has had tremendous significance in terms of ethnic power structure.
Within the Indo-Nepalese group, at least two distinct categories can be discerned. The first category includes those who fled India and moved to the safe sanctuaries of the Nepal hills several hundred years ago, in the wake of the Muslim invasions of northern India. The hill group of Indian origin primarily was composed of descendants of high-caste Hindu families. According to Joshi and Rose, "These families, mostly of Brahman and Kshatriya status, have spread through the whole of Nepal with the exception of the areas immediately adjacent to the northern border. They usually constitute a significant portion of the local elites and are frequently the largest landowners in an area." This segment of the Indo-Nepalese population, at the apex of which stands the nation's royal family, has played the most dominant role in the country. Other ethnic groups, including those of Indian origin that settled in the Tarai, have been peripheral to the political power structure.
The second group of Indo-Nepalese migrants includes the inhabitants of the Tarai. Many of them are relatively recent migrants, who were encouraged by the government of Nepal or its agents to move into the Tarai for settlement during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In the early 1990s, this group mostly consisted of landless tenants and peasants from northern India's border states of Bihar and Bengal. Some of these Indian migrants later became large landowners.
The north Indian antecedents of a number of caste groups in the hills (that is, the first group of Indo-Nepalese migrants), which, in the early 1990s, made up more than 50 percent of the total population, are evident in their language, religion, social organization, and physical appearance. All of these features, however, have been modified in the Nepalese environment. These groups--several castes of Brahmans, the high-ranking Thakuri and Chhetri (the Nepalese derivative of the Kshatriya) castes, and an untouchable category--generally are classified as Pahari, or Parbate. However, in most parts of Nepal (except in the Tarai), the term pahari has only a limited use in that the Paharis generally are known by their individual caste names.
Nepali, the native tongue of the Paharis and the national language of Nepal, is closely related to, but by no means identical with, Hindi. Both are rooted in Sanskrit. The Hinduism of the Pahari has been influenced by Buddhism and indigenous folk belief. The Paharis' caste system was neither as elaborately graded nor as all embracing in its sanctions as that of the Indians; physically, many of the Paharis showed the results of racial intermixture with the various Mongoloid groups of the region. Similarly, the Bhote or Bhotia groups inhabiting the foothills of the Himalayas--among whom the Sherpas have attracted the most attention in the mountaineering world--have developed regional distinctions among themselves, although clearly related physically as well as culturally to the Tibetans. The term Bhote literally means inhabitant of Bhot, a Sanskrit term for the trans-Himalayan region of Nepal, or the Tibetan region. However, Bhote is also a generic term, often applied to people of Tibetan culture or Mongoloid phenotype. As used by the Paharis and the Newars, it often had a pejorative connotation and could be applied to any non-Hindu of Mongoloid appearance.
An extraordinarily complex terrain also affected the geographic distribution and interaction among various ethnic groups. Within the general latitudinal sorting of Indo-Nepalese (lower hills) and Tibeto-Nepalese (higher hills and mountains) groups, there was a lateral (longitudinal) pattern, in which various ethnic populations were concentrated in specific geographic pockets. The deeply cut valleys and high ridges tended to divide ethnic groups into many small, relatively isolated, and more or less self- contained communities. This pattern was especially prominent among the Tibeto-Nepalese population. For example, the Bhote group was found in the far north, trans-Himalayan section of the Mountain Region, close to the Tibetan border. The Sherpas, a subgroup within the Bhote, were concentrated in the northeast, around the Mount Everest area. To the south of their areas were other Tibeto- Nepalese ethnic groups--the Gurung in the west-central hills and the Tamang and Rai in the east-central hills--particularly close to and east of the Kathmandu Valley. The Magar group, found largely in the central hills, was much more widely distributed than the Gurung, Tamang, and Rai. In the areas occupied by the Limbu and Rai peoples, the Limbu domain was located farther east in the hills, just beyond the Rai zone. The Tharu group was found in the Tarai, and the Paharis were scattered throughout Nepal. Newars largely were concentrated in the Kathmandu Valley. However, because of their past migration as traders and merchants, they also were found in virtually all the market centers, especially in the hills, and as far away as Lhasa in Tibet.

Outer terai

Politically part of Nepal is essentially an extension of India in other respects. In Nepal, Madesh refers to India, so Outer Terai inhabitants are collectively known as “Madesi”. The majority of the population engaged in subsistence agriculture is indeed of the Shudra caste. Brahmans and Kshatriya are present, but only as a small percentage of the population. A wide range of untouchable service castes are found, including Chamar (sweepers) who are supposed to remove filth and dead animals.

As in India, there is a multiplicity of ethnic groups that have given rise to sub-castes within the main four that are usually endogamous (marrying within) and retaining distinct cultural features. India’s mild climate, agricultural abundance and technological sophistication have always made the country an attractive target for invasion. Newcomers eventually negotiate or are assigned their own sub-caste that retains much of their original culture as well as conforming to rules that go with being one of the four clean castes or untouchable. Non-Hindus are outside the caste system. Muslims make up about 10% of India’s population and there is a significant Muslim population in the western third of the country.

Even high-caste individuals from the Terai are largely excluded from the power structure of Kathmandu, which is dominated by hill peoples and Newars instead. This has given rise to a “Madesi” protest movement seeking greater participation or greater regional autonomy.

Northern India‘s lingua franca Hindi is widely spoken and understood throughout the Outer Terai. Much of the formal grammar and vocabulary of modern Nepali as it is taught in school seems to be borrowed from Hindi, so it is an easy language for Nepali speakers to pick up. Hill people often slip into it for communication with Madesis and even with europeans. More local Terai dialects are Awadhi in the west which is also widespread in India’s Uttar Pradesh state, Bhojpuri in the center which is also widespread in Bihar state, and Maithili further east, which derives from the ancient Mithla kingdom that was centered on the vaan of the Kosi between its exit from the hills and the Ganges River.

Newar community

By 'Newari community' we mean the speech community in which Nepal Bhasa language is used as the mother tongue. The core area of Newars is the Kathmandu valley. They have also settled down in different urban areas of Nepal. They use Nepal Bhasa (used to be known as Newari during Panchayat era) language though with dialectal variations. Newars have also been found in rural areas, but they have lost Newari language because of suppression by the khasa people(called as parbatiya, since they live in parbat i.e. hills).
The caste system appears to have been first conceived in Nepal towards the beginning of Lichhivi period. Originated as Vaishavism, this concept began to assimilate with Shyamanism (including natural religion), Shaivism and Buddhism. In both Hindu and Buddhist Newar communities, the caste system has been found to exist. It reveals that the caste system is extremely complicated in this community. In the Kathmandu Valley Jayasthiti Malla established the caste system on the basis of Manusmriti. Accordingly, it was required to adopt professions, wear cloths and ornaments and construct houses in accordance with the social status of different castes. Violating these rules was liable to certain punishment. Despite the fact that castes were based on various professions, there evolved untouchability later. The state of caste discrimination and untouchability appears to be slightly different from that of Khas and Maithil communities. For instance, in Khas and Maithil communities, the untouchables are treated equally, while in Newar community they are discriminated differently; e.g. Kasais ('butchers') are allowed to step up to the second storey of the houses and Chyames to the first storey, Harhurs are entirely prohibited from entering the house. Generally, the untouchables are not allowed to go to the upper storey of the house. Butchers' milk and meat are acceptable, but eating their boiled rice is unacceptable. Eating dhobis and Napits' (barbers') boiled rice may be unacceptable.
Prior to the implementation of the civil code (1854), some Shudras in Newari community were considered untouchable. Of them some needed the sprinkling of water while others did not. Dhobi, Kasai, Kusule and Kuloo castes belong to the first category, and Pode and Chyame castes to the second.
Traditionally, butchers are called Kasais (Khadkis). They play a musical instrument, called Naykhin, in funeral procession as well as at the different festivals in the Kathmandu valley. During the Rana regime Lakhe dance and Kasais' Paltan performed at Gaijatra and Indrajatra were extremely popular. Even in Royal Army's music band, those who played Badshahi musical instrument included Kasais as well. Now, their professions have undergone expansion with the changing situation. They have not only confined themselves to the sale of meat and vegetables but also gradually taken to many other professions. As they have been long engaged in trade and business, their economic condition can be considered better than that of other untouchables.
Kusules have been playing Panchabaja since the ancient times as a good sign at temples and on auspicious occasions like marriage and bratbandh ('thread-wearing ceremony'). Their presence is deemed necessary on an auspicious occasion. They have also been engaged in tailoring. Besides, they have also been making musical instruments like Madal and Khinma. They have been found much skilled at playing and selling Tal Bajas (type of drums).
Podes and Chyames are found settled in Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and Lalitpur. The locality they live in is called Pode Tole (settlement). They introduce themselves as 'Deulas'. They have been traditionally involved in cleaning garbage. Nowadays they are also known as 'sweepers'. In more polite terms they are called 'cleaning labourers'.
The community engaged in shaving hair and cutting nails are called Napit ('Barbers'). Similarly, the persons whose profession is laundry are called 'Dhobis' ('washermen'). In Kathmandu they are mainly settled at Dhobichaur and Dhobidhara. In Lalitpur their main settlement is at Dhobighat. Recently, large laundries are run by others while Dhobis own small laundries only.
The lowest of the Newar untouchables are Harhures (baseless). Their ancestry is unknown. They live on begging. Their population has been found marginal. They are often seen begging on occasions like Gathemangal. In Khas community settled outside the Kathmandu valley, Kasai, Napit,and other Newar untouchable castes are treated as touchable.

Kumal community

The community that makes clay pottery is called Kumal (कुमाल) or Kumhar. Kumals are distributed all over Nepal, and are considered touchable. There are ten subcastes of Kumals in eastern Nepal. They are equate to Newars in social rank. Kumals in Achham district of Seti zone are equal to Chhetris and have marital connections with them.
Kumals are scattered in various areas of Jhapa, Morang, Sankhuwashabha, Dolakha, Dhading, Chitwan, Nawalparasi, Palpa, Gorkha, Lamjung, Parbat, Tanahu, Syangja, Gulmi, Arghakhachi, Kapilbastu, Rupandehi and Dang Deukhuri districts. They are also found scattered in almost all the other districts of Nepal. The main occupation of the Kumals is pottery(not all of them). Their language is more accentuated to the Tibeto-Burman family. Their preferred inhabitation is on riverbanks, inner valleys and tropical areas. They relish pork and buffalo. The Kumals seek assistance from the Dhami and Jhankri shamans. They either bury their dead or consign them to the flow of the rivers. According to Census 2001, their population is 99,389.
The Kumals, mainly found in the outskirts of hills and the Terai, are regarded as one of the ancient indigenous peoples/nationalities of Nepal. In most of the cases they have settlements of clusters at one place. The Kumals of Mongoloid stock resemble Magar, Newars, Tharu, Danuwar, Darai, Majhi and Bote in physical structure. The name, Kumal, according to experts, was derived from the Sanskrit word, 'Kumbhakar'. The census of 2001 records their population at 99,383.
Kumals have their own language. According to some linguists, their language falls under the Magadheli branch of the Indo-European family (Rimal, BS2053:44). They have their own traditions or cultural practices, customs and lifestyles. They sing and dance while celebrating the birth of a child and on the occasion of ‘chhaithi', or the sixth day of the birth of a child, by partaking of jand (home-made beer) and spirit with meat. The son-in-law officiates the christening process. They give a name to the child and complete the process by slaughtering cock or hen. Marriage can take place by arrangement or by mutual consent of the girl and the boy. Those marrying by consent should go through the customary process. At the time of bride entering the bridegroom's home and at the time of bridegroom entering the bride's home, a cock is slaughtered and they walk on the track smeared with the blood of the cock. The future life of the couple is usually forecast on the basis of the direction in which the cock is seen lying dead. Widowed wife of older brother can, if they wish, be married to the younger brother.
Kumals have a practice of either burying the dead or immersing it in the river. Mourning is observed for five, seven or 13 days. There is a practice of helping the family of the deceased with resources by each family. Kumals are animists or worshippers of nature. They worship their family god, Same (god of beasts), snake gods and goddesses, Banaskhandi, or gods and goddesses of forests (numbering 50 to 100), Mandali Mai, Semare Mai, Desantari Mai, Chandi, etc. (Gautam and Thapa Magar, 1994:329-332). They believe in dhami-jhankris (shamans).
The traditional occupation of Kumals is making of clay pots. Nowadays, they have become dependent on agriculture and animal husbandry. Since majority of the families do not own land enough for their livelihood, they cultivate others' land to earn their living. Women have equal status with men and the parents, based on the merit of the case, distribute share of parental property to daughters, too.

History of the caste system in Nepal

The Nepalese civil code Muluki Ain (1854) was written by Jang Bahadur Rana after his European tour. It codified social codes in practice for several centuries in Nepal that was rooted in Vyavahāra (traditional Hindu legal procedure), Prāyaścitta (avoidance and removal of sin) and Ācāra (the customary law of different castes and communities). These three are collectively called Dharmaśāstra. A traditional Hindu king was duty-bound to put these precepts into practice.This text is just misleading. This should be named untouchability in Nepal not nepalese caste system. Worst information here
Muluki Ain divided Nepalese citizens into two castes "the caste whose water is allowed to remain pure" and "the caste whose water is defiled". Chiefs of the various castes were entrusted with sorting out issues related to their own castes.^[1] The heads of Kamis (blacksmiths) and Sarkis (tanners and cobblers) were called Mijhars. Similarly the head of Damai (tailors and musicians) was called Nagarchi. Castes of the first (non-defiling) category also had their chiefs. In this way community members might not need to go to courts or government offices to settle minor legal matters. Mijhars and Nagarchis, however, added to injustice and exploitation meted out to their respective communities. They were obviously influenced by their masters' natures.^{[citation needed]} Like their masters, they never hesitated to do injustice against their own communities. No appeal was heard against them.
From the medieval period onward, people could lose status through caste demotion. People considering themselves superior used caste as a pretext for exploitation. The lower castes were prevented from entering temples, receiving education, listening to high-caste people's teachings, worshipping, planting Bar or Pipal trees, digging ponds, and participating in fairs and festivals. They could be exiled from the country for looking at a high-caste woman. If they encountered someone of higher caste they would have to step aside. They had to pay jadau (obeisance) to any higher caste person. They could be put to death for rebelling against caste rules. If someone from higher caste married a woman from lower caste, he was not eligible for legal intercession against jarikhat (adultery). A sacred thread-wearing or even non-thread-wearing person would need to be ritually purified if they were touched by an 'untouchable'. Two-way conversation with upper castes was banned for them. These discriminatory provisions of the civil code were based on Hindu scriptures like Parskar Grihyasutra, Gautam Sutra, Manusmṛti and Shukra Niti.^[2][3] There was no provision for lower-caste participation in the economic, social, cultural and administrative spheres. They had to survive on low-paid manual work such as playing indigenous musical instruments, sawing wood, leather-work, practicing music, art and dance, cutting stone, pottery, general labor, cleaning latrines, and washing clothes. This system prevailed till by law until Muluki Ain was revised in 1962.
The present caste system derives from Shah dynasty founder Prithvi Narayan's famous saying that Nepal was a garden of four varnas and 36 castes.^[4] However this is only a rough estimate for the Hill region. The Newari community and the Terai community each has more than 36 castes.

Nepalese caste system

like the Indian caste system, is highly complex and continues the traditional system of social stratification of Nepal. The caste system defines social classes by a number of hierarchical endogamous groups often termed as Jāt. This custom is found in both the Hindu and Buddhist communities of Nepal; but not harsh in Buddhist communities. However, in Nepal people sometimes erroneously use word caste to mean their race or ethnicity. Nepal consist of three main ethnic groups, indigenous, Khas and Madhesi. The ethnic indigenous groups are a different race from Khas and Madhesi people, Khas people who themselves are distinct from Madhesi people. The caste system has traditionally existed in the two races (the Khas and Madhesis), not in indegenous people (such as Gurung, Tamang, Thakali, Magar, Sherpa, Mananggi, Mustanggi, Walunggi and so on). Where as most indigenous people who are ethnic Tibetans who practice Buddhism and they care less about caste, unlike Hindus. (Absolutely false! Whoever wrote this has not done any actual studies, but just presented his/her own biased views. Please read internationally recognized research materials before putting polemic information about 'Nepalese

Ethnic Demography of nepal